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CFP: Historical, legal, political and ethical aspects of contemporary military and non-military conflicts. Conference commemorating the centennial anniversary of the end of World War I. Submission deadline: January 15, Conference date s : March 12, - March 13, While commemorating the heroism of ordinary soldiers as well as the tragedy of innocent victims of World War I, one cannot avoid confronting a whole set of ethical, political, and legal issues which — expressed in both classic and revisionist terms — still seem to retain a lot of universal relevance: What is the relation between the emergence of potential threats to world peace and the theory and practice of liberal democracy?


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Are military resolve and a strategy of de-escalation mutually exclusive or essentially complementary measures for preserving international security? What are the cultural, political, and military implications of radical pacifism? What are the most plausible conceptions of just peace? Are there any necessary constraints on the membership in alliances aimed at eliminating specific threats to world peace? To what extent are modern redefinitions of the classic concepts of war and warfare necessary?

Is the classic theory of just war still applicable to contemporary military conflicts? How should one tackle organized violence perpetrated by non-state agents terrorist groups, guerrilla fighters? Does the capacity of modern warfare imply the need for redefining the concept of collateral damage?

What is the responsibility of civilians for the aggressive policies of their state leaders? Submission format: Send an abstract approx. Supporting material Add supporting material slides, programs, etc. Contacting: Adam Cebula Enter your message below.

Ethics Beyond War's End (): Eric Patterson - BiblioVault

Your message has been sent. The economic losses from violent crime and homicide globally were 32 times greater than losses from terrorism in But the disproportionate focus Western government-designated terrorist attacks draw in the mass media and their effect on public fear lead to overreactions by governmental, military, and police officials, as well as by vigilantes. All wars, including the GWOT, are costly. The disheartening fact that each year brings many thousands of civilian war deaths worldwidepoints to an urgent need to reconsider the efficacy of lethal military solutions. Without the influence of that narrative, past and ongoing wars might be regarded as evidence of the catastrophic failure of lethal force to save lives and resolve political conflicts.

This recognition might free decision-makers to seek, and the public to demand, solutions that have demonstrated long-term efficacy in preventing, reducing, and resolving violent conflicts. The realpolitik strategy of waging a global war cloaked as counterterrorism, put into effect in September — a decade and a half ago—has not defeated radical Islamism, has resulted in, at a minimum, hundreds of thousands of casualties, has led to a global clash between extremist elements within Western and Islamist civilizations, and threatens to escalate to a war of the world in which non-state terrorists and state counter-terrorists may both employ weapons of mass destruction.

There is an alternative. To understand what might be a viable, mostly nonviolent alternative to the GWOT, it is essential to know how terrorist groups have ended. In , at the request of the U. Such an entity has at least some command and control apparatus that, no matter how loose or flexible, provides an overall organizational structure. Jones and Libicki provide many examples of former terrorist groups which, by cooperating with governments on collective or individual agreements, ceasefires, and peace settlements, have been more successful in achieving their political goals than through the use of force alone.

Governments are much more likely to reduce terrorist violence and eliminate insurgencies by reaching political accommodations with their adversaries than by counterterrorist and counterinsurgency military and paramilitary operations.


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  • The RAND researchers found that terrorist groups end for two major reasons: They decide to adopt nonviolent tactics and join the political process, or local law-enforcement agencies arrest or kill key members of the group. Another key finding of the RAND report was that the number of terrorist attacks attributed to al-Qaeda went up dramatically between and , even after excluding from their analysis such attacks in Iraq and Afghanistan. Social scientific data accordingly indicate that the incorporation of official terrorist groups in the political process combined with the efforts of police and intelligence services to prevent terrorist attacks result in a success rate ending terrorist actions greater than other, more militaristic strategies.

    Antiterrorism is an ethical and possibly effective alternative to the largely unethical and ineffective counterterrorist strategy of the GWOT.

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    Antiterrorist measures include the use of judicial and penal systems as a whole to bring terrorists to justice. Thus antiterrorism has both a deterrent and a punitive aspect: to deter and so to prevent terrorism, to apprehend and bring to justice suspected terrorists, and to punish convicted terrorists. Therefore, antiterrorist measures and strategies are, ideally speaking, nonviolent and in accord. It must be combined with the prevention of terrorism, both from above and from below , which requires the development of a global strategy of peacemaking and peace-building.

    Sustainable peace and lasting conflict resolution involve the development and implementation of effective strategies and policies that de-escalate the cycles of violence, promote universal human rights and justice for all, and institutionalize effective nonviolent methods of conflict prevention and transformation.

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    They see the extreme individualism, materialism, and deterioration of families and religions in the West as a sickness that threatens to overpower through force or through media indoctrination the values and communities upon which they have built their own self-esteem. The demeaning of their cultures by the West coupled with the imposition of global economic arrangements that impoverish many in the economically underdeveloped world is experienced as a humiliation which threatens to destroy their own sources of meaning and higher purpose in life.

    This combination of poverty and humiliation drives many people into frenzies of rage and into re-interpreting their own religious or cultural traditions to emphasize the need to drive out the foreigners or the imposers of a form of secularism that threatens to engulf and destroy their last vestiges of self-esteem.

    The Global Marshall Plan provides an alternative which maintains a strong national defense but nevertheless reaches out to others and siphons off their rage and brings them into connection with a world of people who actually do have respect and caring for them.

    A strategy that provides this kind of recognition of their humanity, coupled with generous help to provide for economic well-being, is a better alternative, more likely to make us secure, than driving them mad through military, economic, political and cultural forms of humiliation…. Trained, unarmed, civilian peace teams such as the NonviolentPeace force [could be deployed] to intervene in areas of conflict.

    Retrain thearmies of nations around the world to become experts in ecologicallysensitive construction of those aspects of their own societies that needrelief and reconstruction, including agriculture, health care, housing,infrastructure, education and computers, and other appropriatetechnology….

    Ethics Beyond War's End

    The GMP is the most appropriate weapon for the war on terror. It replaces the failed strategies of military interventions with the Strategy of Generosity and caring for others. Additionally, efforts to encourage best practices in journalism and to promote and protect freedom of the press will provide essential support for nonviolent conflict prevention, conflict resolution, and peace-building policies and practices.

    A strong, free press dedicated to communicating vital information to the public remains one of the best safeguards against the violence of terrorism and tyranny. Instead of fighting fire with fire, of combating terror with greater terror, why not try the power of dialogue and negotiation instead of the force of arms? What do we have to lose? Joseph E. Stiglitz and Linda J. See, inter alia: U. David G.

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